In Jeans or Veils, Iraqi Women Are Split on New Political Power
Robert F. Werth, USA
April 13, 2005
Baghdad—One morning last week, three dozen women in Western-style business suits crowded into the office of the man who would soon be Iraq's prime minister, Ibrahim al-Jaafari. Most were members of the newly elected National Assembly, and they had a list of demands.
They wanted women to run at least 10 of Iraq's 30-odd government ministries. They wanted the number of places reserved for women on party slates raised to 40 percent in future elections. Most of all, they wanted a promise of respect for women's rights.
Hours later, another group of women who are assembly members arrived in Dr. Jaafari's office. They wore black abayas, the garments that cover a woman's body from head to foot, and they had another agenda. They wanted to put aspects of Islamic law into Iraq's legal code—including provisions that would allow men as many as four wives and reduce the amount of money allotted to women in inheritances.
As Iraq's first elected parliament in decades prepares to begin its work, the women who make up nearly a third of its members agree on one thing: they want more power. Many say they have been shut out of discussions that led to the new government's formation. In a chamber full of grizzled warlords and clerics, it has not been easy for them.
At the same time, the assembly's women are deeply divided.
On one side are those in the dominant Shiite alliance that was formed under the auspices of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Iraq's most revered Shiite cleric. Many see their election as an opportunity to bring Iraq's laws into harmony with Shariah, Islam's version of divine law, drawn from the Koran and other religious sources.
This is no accident. The Shiite leadership, in fact, is shrewdly relying on these women to carry much of the fight in the new assembly over where Islam itself, not just its women, should fit in Iraqi society.
That prospect has galvanized many of the assembly's more secular women, including those in the Kurdish alliance that agreed to broker a coalition government with the Shiites. They say Iraq's current laws, which have historically been more liberal than many in the region, must be further liberalized to provide more rights for women, not fewer.
The two camps have been circling each other warily as the new government prepares to take power.
The Shiite women "want to hinder woman, put shackles on her," said Songul Chapuk Omer, an ethnic Turkmen from Kirkuk. "They despise secular women. They consider that she has committed crimes."
For her part, Ms. Omer—who has highlights in her glossy brown hair and favors flared jeans and denim shirts—sometimes refers teasingly to her black-clad Shiite counterparts as "full cover girls."
One early battleground will be the new Iraqi constitution, which the assembly must draft by mid-August. The question of Islam's role in that document was one of the issues that held up the formation of a government for two months after the election.
The secularists have begun inviting Iraq's hundreds of women's groups to take part in drafting the document. A similar grass-roots campaign proved effective last year, after religious Shiites on the Iraqi Governing Council proposed a law that would have extended the power of clerics over matters of family law. Women on the council banded together with secular men, and the proposed law was rejected.
The coming battle may be a tougher one, if only because the conservative cause is now being led in large part by women.
Shatha al-Musawi, for instance, has become one of the Shiite alliance's more visible members. A divorced mother of three, she worked for a decade selling clothes in a market while raising her children in Baghdad as a single mother and putting herself through college.
"To tell you the truth, I am not a feminist," Ms. Musawi said in a recent interview, speaking in English, and dressed in a black abaya. "I don't want to commit the same mistakes Western women have committed. I like that family should be the major principle for women here."
Some liberal assembly members say women who talk like that are just taking orders from the assembly's Shiite clerics.
But that hardly explains the passion and eloquence with which Ms. Musawi, 37, speaks of the need to bring Iraq's laws into line with its Islamic traditions. She is not timid: during the first meeting of the National Assembly she delivered an angry speech demanding that the politicians who were holding up the formation of the new government be held to account.
Asked about her belief that men should be allowed to have four wives, she shot back, "Have you heard of Nasreen Barwari?"
Nasreen Barwari, the Harvard-educated minister of public works in Ayad Allawi's interim government, led the delegation of secular women to Dr. Jaafari's office last week. She is also the third wife of Ghazi al-Yawar, the assembly member and former interim president.
Ms. Musawi can defend her views about Shariah in terms the secular can understand. She points out that after three recent wars, Iraq's women account for more than 55 percent of the population by some estimates. In a culture where relationships outside wedlock are frowned on, many women are living lives of lonely misery, she said.
In the same way, Ms. Musawi explains that Iraqi men—not women—are expected to help support their poorer relatives. So, she argues, it is fair to grant women a smaller share of inheritance by law.
"We have different traditions," Ms. Musawi said. "What is acceptable to you is not acceptable to us."
Many secular women in the assembly agree that Western models cannot always apply in Iraq, and that Islam must play an important role. But, like Dr. Raja al-Khuzai, they argue that there are many schools of thought within Islam, and plenty of room for differing views, and they worry that Islamists will make inroads into Iraq's secular family law, which was established in 1959 and remains among the most liberal in the region. Today, for example, men can take more than one wife only under strict conditions. Dr. Khuzai, a gynecologist, was a prominent secular voice on the Governing Council and is now an assembly member.
Some Iraqi women say blocking the traditionalists' proposals is not enough. Iraq's laws now provide cover for men who commit so-called honor
killings—murdering wives or female relatives who are suspected of infidelity. One law specifically states that physical abuse is not grounds for divorce. Another makes it very difficult for a woman to keep her children if she remarries after a divorce.
"We should think about fixing these gaps, not going backward," said Azhar Ramadan Rahim, a Kurdish assembly member from Baghdad. "I am a Muslim too, and Shiite, but rules written 1,400 years ago cannot be applied now."
The United States no longer has an official voice in Iraq's domestic affairs. But one Western diplomat in Baghdad made clear that if the assembly appeared likely to pass extreme measures, there would be ways to exert some pressure from the outside.
"The international donor community would like to see the broad principles of women's rights respected," the diplomat said.
Iraq's diversity could prove to be another force for compromise. The new constitution will be put to a national referendum in October, and if a majority of voters in any three of Iraq's 18 provinces vote no, the document will be void.
There are some signs that the gulf between Iraq's traditionalists and secularists can be bridged. After some initial wariness, women on both sides have begun to acknowledge that there are differing interpretations of Islam and the law.
"Some secular women had a very negative view of Islam and didn't give us a chance to explain," Ms. Musawi said. "Now that we have a chance to discuss it, I think we can reach a middle point."
One thing they all agree on is the need to maintain women's voices in politics. The high number of women in the assembly—87 of 275 seats—is, in effect, mandated: the independent commission that ran Iraq's elections dictated that one out of every three candidates on every political coalition be a woman. It is unheard of in the Arab world for women to have such representation, and rare anywhere.
But the women say they want to find a way to maintain or strengthen it. They are rapidly gaining experience, and already, some say there is more uniting than dividing them.
"I am more afraid of the conservative powers than the Islamic powers," said Salam Smeasim, a secularist who is an economics adviser in the interim Women's Affairs Ministry. "Even the Communist men here don't want women to be active or to have powerful positions."
"I feel women here are very anxious to work in politics, even more than men," Ms. Smeasim added. "You can feel they are struggling for something."
From The New York Times, April 13, 2005.
Robert F. Werth is a correspondent for The New York Times.